Integrating Income, Employment Support and Care in Latin America

EGM/WS2024/EP.6

October 2023

Original: English

Expert Group Meeting

‘The World Survey on the Role of Women in Development 2024: Harnessing Social Protection

for Gender Equality, Resilience and Transformation’

5 and 6 October 2023

Integrating Income, Employment Support and Care in Latin America:

A Gender Perspective

Expert paper prepared by:

Antonia Asenjo

∗

PhD Student, Department of Sociology, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Chile

* The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those

of the United Nations.

This paper draws from previously published work co-authored by Antonia Asenjo, including Asenjo and

others (2023) and ILO (2019). I express my gratitude to Silke Staab and Loui Williams for their valuable

comments and suggestions.

1. Introduction

The integration of activating measures within unemployment and social assistance schemes has

become a key component in fostering decent work opportunities in countries of the Global South.

This policy shift is in line with recommendations from international organizations and some

streams of the academic literature. It promotes a common framework to address both social and

labour market exclusion. However, the potential for these approaches to address gender

inequalities remains somewhat unexplored, particularly beyond the Global North. Furthermore,

the integration of policies has been implemented through various approaches potentially yielding

distinct impacts on poverty, employment and gender equality. Consequently, the examination

of both conceptual and practical applications of integrated approaches beyond countries

in the Global North is worthy of consideration.

Understanding access to social protection as a human right, this text discusses the challenges

and possibilities of integrating active labour market policies (ALMPs) into social protection

frameworks. It emphasizes the role of employing an integrated approach in providing women with

both protection and opportunities to pursue sustainable ways of living. The reflections presented

in this text do not aim to argue for a reduction in income support but rather discuss the need

to combine it with quality social services and labour market policies.

To assess the primary challenges and opportunities of integrated approaches, this text first explores

the relevance of decent work in fostering social, economic and gender equality (Section 2). It then

provides a brief overview of the main conceptual basis for integration (Section 3), followed by a

more detailed examination of each component, starting with income support (Section 4) and then

exploring active labour market policies (Section 5). The text concludes by presenting first

the opportunities of integrated approaches for fostering gender equality (Section 6)

and then addressing the main challenges this new approach presents in promoting better and more

equal livelihoods (Section 7).

The text focuses mainly on Latin America and draws specific examples from Argentina, Chile and

Uruguay. It nonetheless sometimes makes references to countries of the Global South as some

of the previous work discussed – for example ILO (2019) and Asenjo and others (2023) – presents

findings that expands beyond Latin America.

2. Decent work as a driver of social, economic and gender equality

Access to productive and decent employment during people’s working years is crucial for ensuring

income security, serving as a key driver of poverty alleviation and potentially fostering gender

equality. Increased participation of women in the labour market can enhance economic autonomy,

Activation measures provide assistance and incentives for people to look actively for jobs and find suitable

employment. These measures include training schemes, public works, labour market services, micro-

entrepreneurship support and employment subsidies (ILO, 2016).

not only through present income but also by providing opportunities for on the job learning

and longer job tenure. Furthermore, it facilitates access to and improves the benefits

of contributory social security mechanisms, such as unemployment insurance and old age pensions

(ILO, 2017). The integration of women into productive and decent employment aligns with gender

equity principles (Fraser, 1994), and can play a significant role in challenging traditional gender

norms for both present and future generations (Seguino, 2007). Decent work can also promote

self-respect and increase the control and self-determination of a woman’s own lives

(Kabeer, 2012). In essence, the integration of women into decent work can be viewed

as an advancement in gender equality.

However, the lack of decent work opportunities – as evidenced by persistently high rates

of underemployment and informality that affect countries in the Global South – continues

to be a central challenge (ILO, 2018). This characteristic of the labour market is interlinked with

gender, as constraints to access decent work among women are significant, and, once in the labour

market, employment opportunities are generally of lower wages and lower quality.

The case of Chile serves as an illustration of the obstacles women face to access decent work.

Similar to many other countries in the Global South, the labour trajectory of women in Chile is

characterized by informality, lower wage levels, segregation in lower quality occupations,

and decreased job security (INE, 2012). The COVID-19 pandemic dramatically illustrated

the weakness of women’s integration into the labour market. Sectors with an overrepresentation

of female workers were the hardest hit, and 9 out of 10 unemployed women stopped searching

for employment during this period in Chile. In August 2020, female labour participation had

returned to the lowest level in a decade, with care responsibilities and domestic work emerging

as key factors contributing to these inequalities within the paid workforce (Comunidad

Mujer, 2020).

A recent investigation reveals a significant motherhood penalty in the Chilean labour market

(Contreras et al., 2023). Twenty months after giving birth, the gender gap in employability

increases by 15 percentage points. Additionally, women’s labour market income decreases,

on average, by 35 per cent in the private sector and 20 per cent in the public sector. These effects

persist over time, impacting women’s economic autonomy. As the time spent in unpaid work

increases significantly after women become mothers, the challenges of balancing paid and unpaid

work emerge as the most relevant cause of these enduring disparities.

Women also fulfil caregiving responsibilities for their elder parents. According to research

by Brito and Contreras (2023), daughters, in particular, experience employment and earnings

reductions when caring for sick parents. After five years of a parent’s first cancer hospitalization,

daughters experience a 5 per cent reduction in employment rates and an 11 per cent reduction

in earning compared to sons of sick parents. This caregiving penalty affects women regardless

of their relative income compared to partners or brothers and is concentrated among women who

are also mothers.

In light of this, while the labour market can serve as a tool to promote gender equality, inadequate

access to quality employment remains a major obstacle. Disparities in access to decent work can

exacerbate vulnerabilities for working-aged women, widening gender, social and economic

inequalities. Addressing the multifaceted factors constraining women’s access to decent work

requires comprehensive frameworks that address economic, social, and gender disparities.

3. Integration as a new policy concept that addresses multidimensional obstacles

to decent work

In this context, policymakers and international organizations have advocated for integrated

approaches that combine social protection and activation measures (FAO, 2017; ILO, 2012; OAS,

ECLAC and ILO, 2010; OECD, 2006; World Bank, 2012). These approaches are presented as

opportunities to achieve more equal societies by addressing both social and labour market

exclusion (ECLAC, 2017). It calls for a common policy framework that addresses social exclusion

– through social protection measures of both a contributory and non-contributory nature – while

fostering access to quality employment through active labour market policies (ALMPs)

(ILO, 2012).

This approach has become even more relevant following the COVID-19 pandemic, as a major

challenge for governments during and following the crisis has been to limit the adverse long-term

effects on labour markets. Addressing the immediate needs of people most affected, while laying

the foundation for sustainable job creation in the medium term, has called for a more

comprehensive approach. The synergies between income support and employability-enhancing

policies are considered key to breaking the vicious circle of highly informal, low-productivity jobs,

which trap workers permanently in poverty (Asenjo et al., 2023).

In this context, governments in the Global South have begun to embrace a policy shift towards the

combination of income support measures and active labour market policies as a means

of addressing a wide range of labour market and social challenges (McCord, 2012). As a result,

these approaches are no longer confined to countries of the Global North: they are becoming

a cornerstone of labour market policy in economies of the Global South (ILO, 2019).

Despite the prevalence of these approaches, the conceptual and practical underpinnings of the

integration of policies in the Global South remain somewhat unaddressed outside OECD

economies. Yet, the labour market conditions are structurally different. For instance, workers

in the Global South are more likely to be affected by low productivity and limited access

to markets, with in-work poverty being more significant than open unemployment. A simple

extrapolation of the conceptual reasoning and practical considerations from OECD countries

to economies of the Global South is therefore not sustainable and could potentially have damaging

repercussions. It is thus pertinent to study and adapt these approaches to the local conditions

beyond the Global North.

4. Income support policies: definitions and their potential to address gender equality

in Latin America

To explore the opportunities and challenges of integrated approaches in Latin America, I first

define both components of integration – income support policies and activation

measures – and then I briefly discuss their potential to address obstacles to decent work

and gender equality.

Income support policies for the working-age can be categorized into those that seek to mitigate

income loss during unemployment – which tend to be contributory mechanisms – and those that

support vulnerable households in meeting basic needs, which are generally financed by general

government revenues (Berg, 2015). Though both types of income support policies are relevant

when discussing integrated approaches in countries outside the Global North, this text focuses on

the latter (i.e., social assistance or non-contributory schemes). I chose to focus on non-contributory

schemes for two reasons: first, the role of contributory schemes in Latin American countries

remains somewhat limited, and second, the integration of women into social protection programs

has predominantly occurred through their inclusion in non-contributory schemes.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, the integration of women into welfare systems has been

mostly through non-contributory mechanisms that seek to address poverty among vulnerable

households. The widespread adoption of Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programmes

throughout the region, which have been underpinned by a strong maternalistic principle, is

an example of the above. This integration has been shaped by women’s symbolic and social roles

as mothers and not as workers (Molyneux, 2007). This is despite the fact that there is a higher

proportion of female-headed households – in which women must both earn sufficient income

and provide care for their families – among the impoverished (MDS, 2017). A high proportion

of female-headed households thus questions the applicability of a clear-cut distinction between

social policies for caregivers and those for workers, as in many cases, women are both. In addition,

in countries in which labour market regulations are poorly enforced, and where a large proportion

of workers operate in the informal economy, non-contributory schemes are often the only policy

instrument available to protect unemployed individuals as well as to supplement the income

of low-earning informal workers (Barrientos, 2010). In this context, social assistance programmes

serve a role that extends beyond the idea of a “last resort” policy for the long-term unemployed

common in matured welfare schemes. The provision of income support is crucial in combating

poverty and social exclusion both for the unemployed and employed.

Indeed, in countries in which working poverty is prevalent among women, a basic income support

is a necessary condition against exploitation and can potentially foster improved livelihood

activities. Providing regular and reliable income support can act as a buffer against extremely low

wages and helps to stabilize household consumption (Devereux & Sabates‐Wheeler, 2015).

A small yet predictable income support can also strengthen the productive capacity of women

in vulnerable households: it can indirectly encourage the transition from subsistence-level

activities to higher productivity activities, as it mitigates the social and economic impact

of an economic downturn, and can encourage moderate risk-taking (ILO, 2012; Fisher et al.,

2017). Cash transfers have also demonstrated the capacity to empower individuals, enabling

recipients to formulate diverse strategies and operational decisions that enhance their livelihood

activities (Nnaeme et al., 2020). The provision of a basic income support can therefore serve

a significant function in enabling women to access better employment opportunities.

However, providing only income support is insufficient to promote a sustainable integration into

the labour market among women. First, it does not tackle economic factors that constrain women’s

labour market participation, including for example, the mismatch of skills, or lower

rates of education. Second, as has been convincingly argued by feminist scholars, the provision

of a conditional income support can potentially reinforce traditional gender differences, serving

to marginalize women within the domestic sphere by understanding care as a mainly female

responsibility (Molyneux, 2007). It can thus hinder women’s capacity for achieving economic

autonomy through labour market integration, leaving them exposed to reductions in the provision

of income support. Unlike contributory schemes of social protection – which are understood

as a right and are anchored in the law – access to social assistance tends to be seen as a benefit and

can therefore be modified or significantly reduced under changes of government for example.

A brief discussion of conditional cash transfers – which have been widely implemented

in Latin America reaching nearly 1 in 4 households (ILO, 2019) – helps illustrate this predicament.

These schemes have aimed to support women in their roles as primary caregivers. Under strong

maternalistic assumptions, these policies emphasize gender differences, valuing women´s

traditional gender roles and responsibilities (Molyneux, 2007). The positive effects on short-term

household poverty reduction and human capital investments – school attendance and regular

check-ups of children – of CCTs are frequently found in the impact evaluation literature (Bastagli

et al., 2019). These findings have also suggested that CCTs programmes increase women’s access

to cash and social services. In conservative societies –in which women have been subordinated

to men in economic, social and legal terms – gaining access to a basic income security can be seen

as a significant achievement (Ramm, 2020).

However, as has been widely discussed by feminist scholars, CCTs across Latin America have

relied on women’s non-remunerated work to comply with human capital conditions of their

children to receive income support (Molyneux, 2007). Their implementation has therefore served

to perpetuate an essentialist view of gender and to marginalize women within the domestic private

sphere (Franzoni & Voorend, 2012). CCT programmes can potentially increase the burden

and the responsibility of women to lift their households out of poverty, with inconclusive effects

on gender equality (Tabbush, 2010). Under these conditions, providing regular income support can

effectively alleviate poverty. However, solely offering income support can also reinforce

traditional gender norms, perpetuating the perception of women as the primary (and sole)

responsible for housework and care. Thus, while income support is a necessary condition, it may

be insufficient in itself to achieve gender equality.

5. Integration of active labour market policies: Definitions, institutional frameworks

and examples in Latin America

In this context, activation policies or ALMPs – which seek to promote and improve attachment

in the labour market – could potentially overcome gender differences supporting women in their

role as workers. ALMPs provide assistance and incentives for people to look actively for jobs

and ultimately – and as soon as possible – find suitable employment. The main categories

of ALMPs can be categorized as (ILO, 2016):

• Training: aims to improve employability and enhance future career paths through

acquisition of skills. For example, Autonomía Económica de la Mujer (+ Capaz) in Chile

which provided training opportunities for vulnerable women.

• Public works: looks to compensate shortcomings in private sector job creation in order

to alleviate poverty and promote community development, as for example the Programa

Empleo Emergencia in Colombia which provided temporary formal employment

opportunities for individuals most affected by environmental crises.

• Employment subsidies: provides incentives for hiring new staff and maintaining jobs by

reducing labour costs. For example, the Bono al Trabajo de la Mujer in Chile, which

provides an additional income to the employer and the female employee, is one of the few

employment subsidies targeting explicitly vulnerable women.

• Self-employment and micro-enterprise creation: provides both financial and logistic

support for self-employment or micro-entrepreneurship. The Programa Nacional

de Financiamiento al Microempresario (PRONAFIM) in Mexico which supports micro-

entrepreneurships of vulnerable women is an example.

• Labour market services: connects jobseekers with employers through career advice, job-

search assistance and other measures promoting reintegration into the labour market, such

as Seguro de Capacitación y Empleo in Argentina.

These policies aim to overcome barriers to decent work, fostering access to higher-quality

and more sustainable income-generating activities. Activation policies could enhance gender

equality by facilitating the integration of women into the productive sphere. However, according

to this definition of ALMPs, initiatives supporting households in caring and housework

responsibilities – while crucial for women’s integration into quality employment – are not

explicitly categorized as issues to be addressed by activation policies. This highlights one of the

first challenges presented by integrated approaches through a gender perspective which will be

discussed below.

Latin America and the Caribbean stands out as the region in which the implementation

of activation measures within non-contributory cash transfer schemes is most widespread

(ILO, 2019). Ten countries in the region combine cash transfers both with public works and/or

micro-entrepreneurship support, while eight other countries have integrated at least three types

of ALMP intervention into their CCTs. This reflects a strong tradition in the region of

implementing employability enhancing policies. In particular, since 1990 the number of ALMPs

has continuously increased and such policies now account for a larger share of public spending

than ‘passive’ income support through unemployment insurance (ILO, 2016).

Furthermore, the implementation of integrated approaches has taken different forms, with varying

institutional arrangements, and design characteristics (ILO, 2019):

• In some countries, there is compulsory participation in activation programmes organized

as part of income support schemes. The unemployment benefit scheme of Chile

is an example: it comprises a range of activation measures for the unemployed while

providing a reliable source of income during the unemployment spell.

• Elsewhere, beneficiaries of conditional cash transfers may participate on a voluntary basis

in activation measures. For example, Uruguay’s public works programme, Trabajo por

Uruguay, was implemented between 2005 and 2007 as part of a broader cash transfer

programme, the Plan de Asistencia Nacional a la Emergencia Social (PANES).

The Trabajo por Uruguay programme, was designed to increase the employability

of PANES beneficiaries.

• Sometimes, programmes are launched to make it easier for the beneficiaries of income

support to participate in existing activation measures. An example of this indirect approach

is the programme Seguro de Capacitación y Empleo that was implemented in Argentina

in 2006 and was directed at beneficiaries of the existing conditional cash transfer

programme Plan Jefe.

• Other initiatives have involved the use of single-window services (i.e., “one-stop” shops)

to integrate the delivery and access of both social protection and activation policies.

Though this framework is not common in Latin America, it can be found in other countries

of the Global South. For example, since 2012, all 21 provinces of Mongolia have One-Stop

Shops, where individuals can submit social insurance claims and register for activation

programmes (Peyron Bista & Carter, 2017).

The questioned now addressed is if the inclusion of activation components within social protection

schemes can foster a better integration into the labour market and advance towards gender equality.

6. Integrated approaches: An opportunity…

This section discusses the opportunities of integrated approaches for women’s integration into

the labour market. It delves into the potential of this approach to leverage complementarities

between activation and income support policies, and to mitigate the challenges posed by these

policies when implemented in isolation.

Non-contributory schemes are crucial for offering basic income security to working-age

individuals in countries with high rates of informal employment and social insurance systems

with limited reach. Nevertheless, depending solely on this support might not be enough to enable

women to access better employment opportunities. While income support safeguards women’s

income and basic consumption, it may be insufficient for fostering access to better jobs and

improved livelihood conditions in the long run. Income support fails to address underlying

economic factors that hinder women’s integration into the labour market and may potentially

reinforce traditional gender norms that marginalize women in the domestic sphere.

On the other hand, activation measures can enable women confronted with exclusion from

productive labour to find more sustainable and stable sources of income in the long run and enter

formal employment. For example, training policies improve sector-specific skills, equipping

beneficiaries with skills demanded by the market, and enhancing their labour market integration

(J-PAL, 2017). Targeting disadvantaged groups, including the youth and women, has shown

positive impacts in diverse contexts (Alfonsi et al., 2020; Escudero et al., 2019).

Furthermore, in countries in which informal and low-productive employment is prevalent, in-work

poverty reduction and improving work quality might be the most relevant and challenging

objectives of activation measures (ILO, 2016c). This differs from contexts with matured social

insurance systems, in which activation measures seeks primarily to counteract long

unemployment. Indeed, reducing in-work poverty and increasing work quality is a key

for fostering gender equality in countries in which the integration of women into the labour market

continues to be characterized by informal and low-quality employment. In this context, the role

of ALMPs can also be significant. Micro-enterprise creation programmes, employment subsidies

and public works reduce in-work poverty through participation, provided the income received

while participating is sufficiently high. Empirical evidence also shows positive longer-term post

participation effects of active measures (ILO, 2019). Training policies lead to better quality

employment as workers improve their skills during participation, while employment subsidies

allow workers to gain valuable experience in the formal sector (Escudero et al., 2019).

However, participating in ALMPs can be costly and time-consuming. Integrating income support

measures is essential to ensure access to activation measures for low-income individuals.

In addition, activation policies, like training, generally take time to materialize their positive

effects (Asenjo et al., 2019). Income support is necessary during the period when the effects are

realized. In countries without a matured and universal social protection system, relying solely

on activation policies is thus ineffective. Instead, the focus should be on mutually reinforcing

strategies for poverty reduction and productivity improvement. Integrated approaches can enable

women to better adapt to the changing demand for skills – caused for example by structural

transformations – while protecting them from poverty and material deprivation. When combined

with income support, ALMPs have supported transitions towards higher-value jobs (de Mel et al.,

2014; Martinez et al., 2018). These approaches have helped address labour demand shocks caused

by economic crises (Asenjo et al., 2019) and extreme weather events (Macours et al., 2012). These

shocks disproportionately affect women in economies of the Global South due to the lack

of universal social protection and structural inequalities.

For example, an impact evaluation of a cash transfer programme in Nicaragua revealed that

participants who received vocational training or an investment grant in addition to a cash transfer,

were more resilient to environmental shocks and had higher incomes and consumption rates

in the two years following their programme participation (Macours et al., 2012). Research has also

identified favourable outcomes in different institutional and social settings, indicating the capacity

of integrated approaches to assist households even in fragile and conflict-affected regions.

In Afghanistan, the joint provision of assets, cash grants and skills training through the Targeting

the Ultra Poor programme yielded significant positive results on consumption, financial inclusion

and women’s empowerment (Bedoya et al., 2019).

This approach has also shown potential for supporting women’s livelihoods and opportunities over

the longer term. In Niger, providing training and lump-sum capital grants to female beneficiaries

of a national cash transfer programme resulted in positive impacts on consumption and food

security for income and active support recipients six and eighteen months following participation

(Bossuroy et al., 2021). Likewise, a micro-entrepreneurship scheme implemented within a social

protection programme in Chile, in which the majority of participants were unemployed

or underemployed women, improved business practices, employment rates and labour income

over 45 months after participation (Martinez et al., 2018).

All in all, integrated approaches could be seen as reflecting a more comprehensive understanding

of the challenges faced by vulnerable populations, with a focus on enhancing human capabilities.

This approach fosters transitions to decent employment not only as a means to higher incomes

– thus allowing households to escape poverty – but also as a fundamental human right

for individuals (Barrientos, 2010). By encouraging participation in activation measures, integrated

approaches can empower vulnerable women to break free from poverty sustainably, potentially

mitigating some of the underlying factors hindering long-term social inclusion. The synergies

between income support and activation components can be key to breaking the vicious circle

of highly informal, low-productivity jobs, which trap workers and specifically women

permanently in poverty. This approach nonetheless also presents new challenges for women’s

well-being and economic autonomy which will be discussed in the next section.

7. … Or a truncated support for gender equality?

A review of the empirical literature emphasizes that the positive impact of these approaches relies

on specific implementation and design characteristics (Asenjo et al., 2019). Specifically,

the integration of policies presents certain challenges in improving the livelihoods of women

and advancing gender equality in countries of the Global South. I will discuss three of these

challenges below.

First, as mentioned above, improving work quality – and not only reducing open unemployment –

should be a key policy objective of activation measures in economies of the Global South. Indeed,

in countries of the Global North, a clear division exists between individuals with strong

connections to the labour market, which tend to be integrated into social insurance schemes,

and those without ties or in prolonged unemployment, which are part of social assistance

programmes. This demarcation becomes less apparent in some nations of Latin America where

informality and limited social protection schemes prevail. In some cases, individuals receiving

income support engage in informal work and categorize themselves as part of the working poor,

likely to be affected by low productivity and access to markets, rather than being unemployed.

Unlike in higher income economies, there is no significant evidence suggesting adverse

employment effects among income support recipients in lower income countries (Banerjee

et al., 2017).

Furthermore, improving work quality and addressing working poverty demands comprehensive

and costly policies. While training and employment subsidies demonstrate positive effects on work

quality, the impact of other activation measures remains disputed (Asenjo et al., 2019).

The effectiveness of activation measures in enhancing work quality is contingent upon institutional

frameworks and labour market conditions. For instance, in some countries of Latin America,

public employment services face challenges in its capacity and reach, limiting their ability

to deliver efficient services. Thus, compulsory activation mechanisms with workfare

characteristics (Dingeldey, 2007) – which have been implemented widely in OECD countries as

a means to reduce open unemployment – risk pushing households prematurely out

of the programme without effectively addressing the challenges women face in accessing decent

work opportunities. This in turn, could hinder a successful and sustainable exit from poverty

and run counter to a rights-based model of social protection. Ensuring a nuanced and context-

specific approach to policy design and implementation is thus crucial.

Second, adapting integrated approaches to gender-specific constraints is also fundamental

for improving the livelihoods of women. One of the key objectives of incorporating activation

measures in social protection schemes is allowing and fostering access among vulnerable groups

who would otherwise not be able to participate. Yet, the provision of a regular basic income

support is not always sufficient to ensure participation. Research has shown that it can

be challenging to ensure that targeted groups within social protection schemes have

the opportunity and incentives to actually benefit from activation components (ILO, 2016c). This

is particularly the case among low-income women who cannot participate in activation

components due to care or time constraints that are not addressed within integrated approaches.

Self-selection into programmes without activation components is an initial concern. An evaluation

of an integrated approach adopted in Uruguay revealed that family responsibilities decreased

the likelihood that cash transfer beneficiaries would self-select into the programme’s activation

programmes (Escudero, López Mourelo, and Pignatti, 2020). Similarly, an evaluation

of the Argentinian Seguro de Capacitación y Empleo – a set of ALMPs offered to beneficiaries

of the prominent CCT programme, Plan Jefes y Jefas de Hogar Desocupados – illustrates the need

for activation programmes to incorporate formats that enable women to participate. The analysis

reveals that while women were under-represented in the programme’s activation components, they

were over-represented in the income support component (called Plan Familias) tailored

to individuals considered less likely to find a job (López Mourelo and Escudero, 2017).

A potentially more significant challenge is the risk of overburdening women and exacerbating time

poverty. Worldwide, the rise in women’s participation in paid work has not been matched

by a corresponding increase in men’s contributions to unpaid work. Women are often earners and

caregivers. The time women have to allocate to paid work is constrained by their caregiving

responsibilities. Integrated approaches sometimes assume that underemployed or unemployed

women have ample free time, yet this assumption overlooks the unique challenges

faced by women, especially those who are mothers to young children (UN-Women, 2020).

As such ‘care blind’ activation policies can potentially exacerbate their time poverty as women are

expected to continue caring, on their own, while also earning sufficient income for their household.

Activation policies that demand longer shifts or extensive travel can make it challenging

for women to balance caregiving and housework.

It is therefore important that the various components of integrated approaches are not only adapted

to local market conditions but also to the needs of its participants. Structural gender inequalities

shape the opportunities women have to participate in activation policies. These should

be considered in the design and implementation of these approaches. Recognizing women as both

carers and earners is an initial step to address these inequalities. Integrated approaches can also

serve to challenge traditional gender norms. An additional step is to propose policies that challenge

traditional gender norms and the gendered nature of the labour market, fostering a more equitable

distribution of care responsibilities and elevating the value of care. For instance, increasing

access of women to traditionally male-dominated occupations and improving the compensation

of caregiving professions.

Lastly, a third challenge is the prevalence of self-employment initiatives. These initiatives

– integrated into social protection programs such as Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs) – have

become increasingly prevalent in many countries in the Global South as a means to foster women’s

employment. Indeed, micro-enterprise creation could be considered a key policy aimed to support

female labour market integration in countries of the Global South, yet its effects on gender equality

are inconclusive. Self-employment, as opposed to traditional wage-based employment, can

establish income-generating opportunities in regions lacking access to formal jobs, while offering

flexibility for women to balance caregiving responsibilities and earnings. However, as self-

employment in many of these countries continues to be characterized by informality, working

poverty and vulnerability (Maloney, 2003), it is doubtful whether such approaches could provide

an effective route out of poverty and towards sustainable employment.

A positive effect on work quality can only materialize if the remuneration obtained by the owners

of the micro-enterprise is above poverty level with adequate access to social protection

mechanism. The local market conditions and the characteristics of women’s integration

into employment thus questions the capacity of micro-enterprise creation programmes to support

an effective transition towards formal and better work. The effects on gender equality are also

dubious as despite increasing access to paid work, it does not address inequalities in unpaid work.

Furthermore, the implementation of self-employment schemes could potentially absolve

governments of the obligation to address structural obstacles to decent work – including the lack

of formal employment opportunities – an effort that would normally require an ambitious policy

agenda (McCord & Slater, 2015).

All in all, the potential positive effect of integrated approaches on women’s lives rests first,

on the conditions under which they access paid employment, and second, on the type and quality

of employment obtained. Though the provision of a basic income support acts as a buffer against

lower wage and precarious employment, the sexual division of work and the multiple areas within

the labour market that disadvantage women question the extent to which an integrated approach

is sufficient to foster gender equality. The integration of activation components within income

support schemes – and their focus on individual and predominantly economic constraints – can

risk hiding an intensification of the exploitation of women’s labour both in the domestic

and in the public realm through the “feminization of responsibility and obligation” (Chant, 2008;

Tabbush, 2010). Activation components demand an increasing number of inputs from women

to surpass poverty.

As care continues to be a domestic (i.e., private) issue, the successful integration of women into the

labour market hinges on the individual and domestic solutions of women to address care

and household demands (Undurraga, 2013). Time use studies in Latin America reveal

that increases in women’s paid work are not compensated by an increase in men’s unpaid work.

Indeed, the structurally ingrained barriers – which assign care and household responsibilities

predominantly to the domestic (female) sphere on the one hand and reproduce the (male) labour

market characteristics which place higher value on long working hours and competitive

arrangements on the other – remain unaddressed by this approach. As such, unless redistribution

of unpaid work within the household becomes an explicit policy objective it is difficult to see this

social order change soon. For women with children, access to quality early childhood education

and care services – which can be understood as a redistribution of care responsibilities with

the state – is, therefore, a necessary condition for taking advantage of activation programmes

and for reducing gender gaps in the labour market (Amarante et al., 2023).

Recent approaches of policy integration have focused on fostering the complementarities between

income support and activation measures. As this text discussed, integrated approaches can

potentially have positive effects in fostering access to decent work among vulnerable individuals

and women. However, these approaches will fall short of addressing gender equality unless care

responsibilities are redistributed more equally, both within the household and with the state.

Access to childcare is a first step. These approaches can also transform the opportunities both

women and men have to develop under more equitable conditions. Promoting quality employment

in social infrastructure, expanding access to occupations traditionally dominated by men,

improving employment conditions of caregiving work, and encouraging men to participate

in employment fields dominated by women, are just a few designs of integrated approaches

that can contribute to a more balanced distribution of care work while also recognizing

and valuing care.

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