Question-and-Answer Service Student Guide
Questions 11-20 are based on the following
passage.
This passage is adapted from a speech delivered in 1860 by
John Hossack, "Speech of John Hossack, Convicted of a
Violation of the Fugitive Slave Law, before Judge
Drummond, of the United States District Court, Chicago, IL."
Hossack was tried for aiding an escaped African American
slave, in violation of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850.
I am a foreigner. I [was born] among the rugged
but free hills of Scotland; a land, Sir, that never was
conquered, and where a slave never breathed. Let a
slave set foot on that shore, and his chains fall off for
ever, and he becomes what God made him—a man.
In this far-off land, I heard of your free institutions,
your prairie lands, your protected canals, and your
growing towns. Twenty-two years ago, I landed in
this city. . . I then opened a prairie farm to get bread
for my family, and I am one of the men who have
made Chicago what it is to-day, having shipped some
of the first grain that was exported from this city. I
am, Sir, one of the pioneers of Illinois, who have gone
through many of the hardships of the settlement of a
new country. I have spent upon it my best days, the
strength of my manhood. I have eleven children, who
are natives of this my adopted country. No living
man, Sir, has greater interest in its welfare; and it is
because I am opposed to carrying out wicked and
ungodly laws, and love the freedom of my country,
that I stand before you to-day. . .
Sir, I ought not to be sentenced because, as been
argued by the prosecution, I am an Abolitionist. I
have no apologies to make for being an Abolitionist.
When I came to this country, like the mass from
beyond the sea, I was a Democrat; there was a charm
in the name. But Sir, I soon found that I had to go
beyond the name of a party in this country, in order
to know any thing of its principles or practice. I soon
found that however much the great parties of my
adopted country differed upon banks, tariffs and land
questions, in one thing they agreed, in trying which
could stoop the lowest to gain the favor of the most
cursed system of slavery that ever swayed a iron rod
over any nation. . . As a man who had fled from the
crushing aristocracy of my native land, how could I
support a worse aristocracy in this land? I was
compelled to give my humble name and influence to
a party who proposed, at least, to embrace in its
sympathies all classes of men, from all quarters of the
globe. In this choice, I found myself in the company
of Clarkson and Wilberforce
1
in my native land, and
of Washington and Franklin, in this boasted land of
the free; and more than all these, the Redeemer in
whom I humbly trust for acceptance with my God,
who came to heal the broken-hearted, to preach
deliverance to the captives, to set at liberty those who
were bruised. . . Tell me, Sir, with these views, can I be
any thing but an Abolitionist? Surely, for this I ought
not to be sentenced.
Again, sir, I ought not to be sentenced, because the
Fugitive Slave Law, under which I am torn from my
family and business by the supple tools of the Slave
Power
2
. . . is at variance with both the spirit and letter
of the Constitution. Sir, I place myself upon the
Constitution, in the presence of a nation who have
the Declaration of Independence read to them every
Fourth of July, and profess to believe it. Yes, in the
presence of civilized man, I hold up the Constitution
of my adopted country as clear from the blood of
men, and from a tyranny that would make crowned
heads blush. The parties who [bend] the Constitution
to the support of slavery are traitors—traitors not
only to the liberties of millions of enslaved
countrymen, but traitors to the Constitution itself
which they have sworn to support. A foreigner upon
your soil, I go not to the platforms of contending
parties to find truth. I go, Sir, to the Constitution of
my country: the word slave is not to be found. I read,
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form
a more perfect Union, establish justice,"—yes, Sir,
establish justice—"to promote the general welfare,
and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity, so ordain and establish this
Constitution of the United States of America." These
were the men who had proclaimed to the world that
all men were created equal; that they were endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights—life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and contended
even unto death for seven long years. Can it be, Sir,
that these great men, under cover of those hallowed
words, intended to make a government that should
outrage justice and trample upon liberty as no other
government under the whole heavens has ever done?
1
British abolitionists
2
The political influence wielded by slave owners
11
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Line
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CONTINUE
5
80